I belong to a Black Panther group, and in response to a gentleman who said no white man would put down the KKK, I googled the Radical Republicans who specifically targeted the KKK, as did President Grant. Then I found the missing link I have been looking for for twelve years, or more. My kin, John Fremont, became a second Presidential Candidate when the Radical Democracy Party was formed – with the sole purpose of getting Lincoln to drop out of the race!
The Radical Republicans hated Lincoln who betrayed their ideals on all men being free. Many of these Radicals were Turners, members of the German Turnverein. immigrants who fled to America after they lost their Revolution in Europe. Three of my grandfathers appear to have been Turners. It also looks like the New York Turner Rifles – were sabotaged! They were given smooth bore rifles and allegedly rifled rifles “later on”. I don’t buy it! They were ordered into open fields where they had an extreme disadvantage, The Traitors were able to shoot them at twice the range. Cannon fire waited for them in one field, and they are described as cowards – who ran! They were arrested for not following orders. Their service was up and they were due back in New York – for the elections. Montgomery Blair claims he lost to “foreigners”. How many others would lost thanks to the Germans?
I believe the Blair family set the Turner Rifles up for failure – so other Turners all over America would not join the War Against Slavery. Fremont was the first Presidential Candidate for the Republican, and lost. I have read articles that said Lincoln did not want to defeat the Confederacy. He believed they would come back into the Union if a show of force occurred. However, because the Radicals cited the Monroe Act, I suspect the Blairs and Lincoln were waiting for the French and British to enter the war on the side of the Confederacy. He would surrender, and the Turners would be destroyed – along with Fremont!
The Speaker of the House has a suspicion Trump will not leave office if her loses. He has stabbed Vindman in the back. I believe neo-Confederates put Trump in office. I would like to see the formation of the New Turner Rifles that will be located in Oakland California and St. Louis. Sone have suggested statues of Lincoln should be hauled down.
President: Royal Rosamond Press
The National Security Council sent a list of allegations about Lt. Col. Alex Vindman to the Pentagon after he testified before the House in impeachment proceedings against President Donald Trump, according to one person who has seen the document and two others briefed on it.
Many of the new party’s supporters did not necessarily want it to stand in the election. Rather, the hope was that the formation of a new party would cause Lincoln not to gain the Republican nomination. Although this did not occur, Frémont maintained over the course of his campaign that he would drop out if Lincoln did likewise, in favor of a candidate whose platform more closely matched the ideals of the Radical Republicans.
Frémont gained the support of a number of prominent abolitionists. However, the majority of Radical Republicans continued to support Lincoln as it was felt that Frémont could not win and that supporting him would split the abolitionist vote in favor of the Democrat candidate George McClellan. Additionally, many were less than enthusiastic about the party platform with its compromises aiming to attract Democrats. Frémont continued these overtures during his campaign. As the campaign failed to gain momentum, many abolitionists urged Frémont to withdraw his nomination. No major newspaper supported Frémont. However, some Democrat supporting newspapers such as the New York World did talk up Frémont’s credentials in order to disunite Republicans. Confederates as well as Democrats took a close interest in Frémont’s campaign, hoping it could help McClellan win in November.
Frémont and Cochrane dropped out of the race on September 21, 1864. In a letter to The New York Times, Frémont wrote that it had become increasingly clear that the Democrats could not be trusted on the issues of union or abolition. As such, he did not want to act as a spoiler against Lincoln. At the same time, Frémont remained critical of Lincoln, writing that “his Administration has been politically, militarily and financially, a failure, and that its necessary continuance is a cause of regret for the country”. In another letter to the same paper written one week previously, but published in the same edition, he wrote that the ideas of the Radical Democracy Party would nevertheless be pursued. It has been speculated that Frémont’s withdrawal may have been part of a deal with Lincoln whereby the more conservative Postmaster General Montgomery Blair was removed from his post.
Most Radical Democracy Party supporters went on to support Lincoln in the general election, though there were some exceptions to this, notably Wendell Philips. The party itself was finished, having only formed to run a candidate in the 1864 election.
The upcoming November, 1862 Congressional elections influenced President Lincoln’s handling of military operations in the Western Theatre. Lincoln was not so much concerned with a major victory in the Trans-Mississippi Theatre as he was with avoiding the loss of political supporters for the Union Cause in the western border states like Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee. He instructed his commanders to respect the private property rights of supporters and rebels alike unless military necessity required otherwise. This admonition even extended to interfering with slavery in those states. Lincoln had ordered Gen. Fremont to revoke his proclamation of August 30, 1861 which imposed military control over the government of Missouri, authorized the confiscation of rebel private property and freed slaves owned by Confederate supporters. When Fremont attempted to stir up opposition to the President’s order, Lincoln had him removed in spite of strong pressure from the German-American community in St. Louis. Lincoln gained support for his moderate policies by telling his Abolitionist supporters about the Union company composed of Kentucky recruits that had gone home upon learning of Fremont’s proclamation.
Some military commanders including Gen. Steele took notice of the abolitionist zeal on the part of the German-American troops. In a letter to General Halleck on November 1, 1861 Steele reported that, ” The German Regiments of my command are to be kept here [Helena] until after the election –Osterhaus’ Division. They are Abolitionists and are probably to vote for Blow rather than Blair. This was told to me by an unsophisticated German officer.” Although Steele allowed state election commissioners to come into his camps to count the votes cast by his German-American units, he would not allow them to return home to vote. As expected, most of the men of the German Brigade cast their votes for Blow, the Radical Republican Congressional candidate from St. Louis. Steele professed to be unconcerned with the radical Republican views of his German-American units, but since taking command of Osterhaus’ troops, he had favored his moderate Republican and Democratic friends from Iowa with commands and promotions over the German -American officers from St. Louis. Later Blair would contest the election results claiming that many non-citizens voted in the election.
Mr. Lincoln seemed to be equally driven by his loyalty to the Blairs and his concerns for executive privilege. After the 1864 Republican National Convention in Baltimore, Congressman Thaddeus Stevens and former Secretary of War Simon Cameron visited President Lincoln. Stevens demanded: ‘In order that we may be able in our State to go to work with a good will I want you to make us one promise…that you will reorganize your cabinet, and leave Montgomery Blair out of it.”30 The two hour meeting was tense and intense. Colonel R. M. Hoe related the President finally gave his answer, in substance as follows, towering up to his full height, and delivering his words with emphatic gestures, and intense earnestness of speech:
“Mr. Stevens, I am sorry to be compelled to deny your request to make such a promise. If I were even myself inclined to make it, I have no right to do so. What right have I to promise you to remove Mr. Blair, and not make a similar promise to any other gentleman of influence to removed any other member of my cabinet whom he does not happen to like? The Republican party, wisely or unwisely had made me their nominee for President, without asking any such pledge at my hands. Is it proper that you should demand it, representing only a portion of that great party? Has it come to this that the voters of this country are asked to elect a man to be President – to be the Executive – to administer the government, and yet that this man is to have no will or discretion of his own. Am I to be the mere puppet of power – to have my constitutional advisers selected for me beforehand, to my manhood to consent to any such bargain – I was about to say it is equally degrading to your manhood to ask it.”
Historian Allan Nevins wrote: “The Radicals who hated Montgomery Blair were quite as numerous as the Moderates who hated Chase, and their detestation was quite as fervent. The judicious [William P.] Fessenden had fairly well represented the idea of party harmony. Could Lincoln find a replacement for Blair who would equally typify restraint and unity? The President felt liking and respect for Blair, just as he felt respect (though not liking) for Chase, but he did not approve the man’s quarrelsome and malignant streak. Once when Blair was denouncing the Radicals as selfish and vindictive, Lincoln rebuked him. ‘It is much better not to be led from the region of reason into that of hot blood, by imputing to public men motives which they do not avow.’”31
In the spring of 1864 a fringe group of radical abolitionists nominated General John C. Frémont as their candidate for President. Although Frémont and supporters did not campaign actively, they threatened to siphon votes from the Republican-Union tickets. Historian Allan Nevins noted that by the summer, “Montgomery was now disliked in every quarter. He had been barred from the Union League; a radical committee including George S. Boutwell and John Covode had lately demanded his dismissal; Henry Wilson wrote Lincoln that his retention would cost tens of thousands of votes. Men spoke of the Blairs as ‘a nest of Maryland serpents.’ On September 22nd, [Zachariah] Chandler, accompanied by David H. Jerome, later governor of Michigan, had a private interview with Lincoln. He announced the complete success of his labors; he had gotten Fremont out of the race, though not by the means he had expected.”32 Frémont had dropped out without conditions; the conditions were imposed by the Radical Republicans like Michigan Senator Chandler with whom he was negotiating.
Although there appears to have been no quid pro quo on Frémont’s part that he would drop out of the race if Montgomery Blair dropped out of the cabinet, it was clearly the goal of Chandler that Blair must go if Frémont quit. According to biographer Benjamin Thomas, the evidence suggest that Chandler “obtained Lincoln’s assent to such a bargain; for in a letter to his wife he wrote: “The President was most reluctant to come to terms but came.” Chandler’s subsequent negotiations with Frémont have never been completely clarified, but Frémont apparently would have no part of the bargain. On September 22 he renounced his candidacy, however, and Lincoln accepted Blair’s resignation the next day.” Blair told Navy Secretary Gideon Welles and Attorney General Edward Bates as they were leaving the President’s office: “I suppose you are both aware that my head is decapitated – that I am no longer a member of the Cabinet.’”33
The influence of Blair’s critics was considerable. Criticism of Blair escalated in the autumn of 1863 after Blair made a speech in which he damned Radical Republicans. Journalist Noah Brooks wrote: “The speech, which was an elaborate defense of the alleged conservative policy of the President, was also a bitter arraignment of prominent members of the Cabinet, Senators, and Representatives. The speech was subsequently issued in pamphlet form and created considerable stir in Washington, and among the President’s real friends in Maryland