Jesus did not want slaves to be freed. He wanted them to remain slaves. This is why Jesus helped author the Confederate Constitution. Jesus wants you to know he is not a Traitor of the United States of America. This is why he helped Lord Trumputin get elected. Jesus used Lord Putin to get his message across, too! Repeat after me……………
JESUS IS NOT A TRAITOR
Even though he helped General Robert E. Lee win many battles, and kill tens of thousands of loyal Union Troops.
Jesus has several opportunities to grant women the right to vote, but didn’t! Jesus hates women! This is why he just passed a law in Alabama that will put women in jail for a hundred years for getting an abortion. I thought Jesus passed Woe vs Wade?
The 15th Amendment, granting African-American men the right to vote, was adopted into the U.S. Constitution in 1870. Despite the amendment, by the late 1870s discriminatory practices were used to prevent African Americans from exercising their right to vote, especially in the South. It wasn’t until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that legal barriers were outlawed at the state and local levels if they denied blacks their right to vote under the 15th Amendment.
Jon McNaughton, the Utah-based artist behind the piece, says that the idea came to him in a vision during last year’s US elections.
The impressively detailed oil painting divides the American people in two, with God-fearing “ordinary folk” on Christ’s right, and figures representing the secular values that McNaughton believes are undermining the country on his left.
Included in the first group are a US marine, a businesswoman, a Christian minister and a mother with her handicapped child.
The second group is headed by a Supreme Court judge who “hides his face in shame as he considers some of the court decisions that have done great damage to our country”, according to the captions which accompany the version on McNaughton’s website.
He is accompanied by a pregnant woman – a reference to abortion, which was effectively legalised by the court in 1973 – and other conservative targets including a self-interested Washington politician, a professor clutching Charles Darwin’s The Origin of the Species, and a left-leaning journalist.
For the advocates of women’s rights, this is where it got messy, and where some of the various motivations and goals of those who had previously been working together began to unravel. The radical Republicans who drafted the language of the 14th Amendment realized that by making a “natural rights” case for including blacks as full citizens, with all the rights and obligations, they would be making the same case for women. Had the amendment contained only the language of Section 1, women’s rights advocates would have been thrilled because it would have strengthened their argument for female suffrage, even though it had to do with establishing citizenship rather than the right to vote per se:
“Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”
But this wording would have made the amendment impossible to pass. There was wide political support for protecting the freed slaves, but not for giving women the right to vote.
This political dilemma was “solved” through the language of Section 2, which was needed to specify how the inhabitants of states would be counted for the purpose of legislative representation. It amended the Constitution’s “three-fifths” clause.
And a penalty would be exacted from a recalcitrant state for any effort to deny blacks their votes. For each black denied the vote, the state’s basis for representation would be reduced by one:
“Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote… is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States … the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.”
There are several major differences between the U.S. and Confederate constitutions concerning slavery.
- Whereas the original U.S. Constitution did not use the word “slavery” or the term “Negro Slaves”, but used instead “Person[s] held to Service or Labor” which included whites in indentured servitude, the Confederate Constitution addresses the legality of slavery directly and by name.
- Though Article I Section 9(1) of both constitutions are quite similar in banning the importation of slaves from foreign nations the Confederate Constitution permits the C.S. to import slaves from the United States and specifies the “African race” as the subject. The importation of slaves into the United States, including the South, had already been illegal since 1808.
- Article I Section 9(1)
- The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country, other than the slaveholding States or Territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same.
- While the U.S. Constitution reads
- The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
- The Confederate Constitution then adds a clause that the C.S. Congress has the power to prohibit the importation of slaves from any state that is a non-Confederate state.
- Article I Section 9(2)
- Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging to, this Confederacy.
- While the U.S. Constitution has a clause that states “No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed” the Confederate Constitution adds a phrase to explicitly protect slavery.
- The U.S. Constitution states in Article IV Section 2 that “The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.” The Confederate Constitution adds that a state government cannot prohibit the rights of a slave owner traveling or visiting from a different state with his or her slaves.
- Article IV Section 2(1)
- The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States; and shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired.
- The Confederate Constitution added a clause about the question of slavery in the territories (the key Constitutional debate of the 1860 election) by explicitly stating that slavery is legally protected in the territories.
- Article IV Section 3(3)
- The Confederate States may acquire new territory; and Congress shall have power to legislate and provide governments for the inhabitants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States, lying without the limits of the several states; and may permit them, at such times, and in such manner as it may by law provide, to form states to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory, the institution of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress, and by the territorial government: and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories, shall have the right to take to such territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the states or territories of the Confederate states.