Ann Poulter Must Forgive Bill Clinton

President Barack Obama awards former President Bill Clinton with the Presidential Medal of Freedom, Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2013, during a cermeony in the East Room of the White House in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

A demonstrator in support of President Trump sprays pepper spray towards a group of counter-protesters during a “People 4 Trump” rally in Berkeley, California. REUTERS/Stephen Lam

Ann Hart Poulter is bid by Jesus to forgive President Bill Clinton, or, forever shut her hypocritical blasphemous mouth! Ann is fuming because she has been prevented from speaking at U.C. Berkley where a biker gang has sided with the Strumpets for the Pussy Grabber, in beating up followers of the goddess. Back in 1965, the Hell’s Angels sided with the Oakland cops in denying free speech to anti-war protesters.

I don’t care about anything else; Christ died for my sins, and nothing else matters.”[85] She summarized her view of Christianity in a 2004 column, saying, “Jesus’ distinctive message was: People are sinful and need to be redeemed, and this is your lucky day, because I’m here to redeem you even though you don’t deserve it, and I have to get the crap kicked out of me to do it.”

I’m a Christian first and a mean-spirited, bigoted conservative second, and don’t you ever forget it.”[88] She also said, “Christianity fuels everything I write. Being a Christian means that I am called upon to do battle against lies, injustice, cruelty, hypocrisy—you know, all the virtues in the church of liberalism.

Like most Christian-Nazi Haters, they insist the Contstitution, the American flag, and the Bald eagle, belong to them. In going after President Clinton, Ann cites all kind of laws, even Enlgish laws. Because the founding fathers did not free the slaves, the neo-Confederate right, are rendered  patritotically impotent. The Republican party was founded by freethinkers, and socialists from Europe.

I am trying to identity the Biker club at the Berkeley riots. They have an N on their back. An N withint a circle is a new Christian symbol. Ann sees herself as ‘Ann of Arc’ a Biker Babe For Jesus. She wants to be there, screeching for her Bullies For Christ to kick the shit out followers of the Berkeley goddess.

In 1965, the Hell’s Angels waded into a anti-war march, and clobbered the Kommie Kids For Khrushchev. Afterwards, Ken Kesey tried to make peace with the Angels wearing a star circled by a ring of stars reminiscent of the European Union.

Jon Presco

It starts with a guy named “Tiny.” Tiny was 6’7” and 300 pounds. And he really liked to fight.

He was first into the breach that fall afternoon in 1965, punching his way through the front of the seven-block-long peace march on Adeline Street, near the Berkeley–Oakland border. Tiny was a member of the outlaw motorcycle gang Hells Angels, and more than a dozen of his brothers followed in his wake, ripping down antiwar signs and screaming, “Go back to Russia, you fucking Communists!”

A few weeks after the riot, poet Allen Ginsberg and some antiwar leaders went to Sonny Barger’s house for a meeting brokered by the novelist and Merry Prankster Ken Kesey, whose own politics existed somewhere out on the Day-Glo libertarian fringe. Together they dropped acid, talked politics, and sang Bob Dylan songs. When most of them were good and loaded, Ginsberg began chanting a Buddhist mantra, his mellifluous voice filling the room. Eventually the bikers joined in—even Tiny.

Alas, the grand alliance didn’t take. Barger, who would go on to survive cancer and prison bids and come out the other side as a living brand (his website sells merch inscribed “Sonny Barger: American Legend”), never changed his views. Those “left-wing peace creeps,” he declared in his autobiography, deserved every bruise they got.

All the same, the Angels never attacked another protest.

http://www.nytimes.com/books/first/c/coulter-crimes.html

http://www.vdare.com/articles/ann-coulter-hillary-is-not-a-victim-of-bills-sex-crimes-shes-an-accomplice

Dan Mogulof, a spokesman for the university, said the college regretted that it had become a magnet for militant groups. “It’s become an O.K. Corral of sorts for activists across the political spectrum,” Mr. Mogulof said.

The university, he said, was committed to having a diversity of voices on campus and was working with the police to reschedule Ms. Coulter’s appearance. “We are going to do whatever we can to make that happen at a time and a place when police can provide safety and security,” he said.

http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/ann-coulter-vows-speak-at-berkeley-university-cancels-her-appearance-995610

http://www.anncoulter.com/columns/2017-04-19.html#read_more

http://www.breitbart.com/author/ann-coulter/

For the alt-right Trump supporters, Berkeley appeared to be a symbol of liberal censorship. “It’s exactly the place we need to go,” Lauren Southern, a libertarian writer and one of Saturday’s speakers, told me. “We need to be in places where they want to make it so we’re afraid to speak our minds. This is the main place that needs defending.”

https://www.nytimes.com/video/us/politics/100000004538693/donald-trumps-biker-force.html

Coulter is a Christian and belongs to the Presbyterian denomination.[82][83] Her father was Catholic and her mother was a Protestant.[84] At one public lecture she said, “I don’t care about anything else; Christ died for my sins, and nothing else matters.”[85] She summarized her view of Christianity in a 2004 column, saying, “Jesus’ distinctive message was: People are sinful and need to be redeemed, and this is your lucky day, because I’m here to redeem you even though you don’t deserve it, and I have to get the crap kicked out of me to do it.” She then mocked “the message of Jesus…according to liberals”, summarizing it as “something along the lines of ‘be nice to people,'” which, in turn, she said “is, in fact, one of the incidental tenets of Christianity.”[86]

Confronting some critics’ views that her content and style of writing is un-Christian-like,[87] Coulter stated that “I’m a Christian first and a mean-spirited, bigoted conservative second, and don’t you ever forget it.”[88] She also said, “Christianity fuels everything I write. Being a Christian means that I am called upon to do battle against lies, injustice, cruelty, hypocrisy—you know, all the virtues in the church of liberalism”.[89] In Godless: The Church of Liberalism, Coulter characterized the theory of evolution as bogus science, and contrasted her beliefs to what she called the left’s “obsession with Darwinism and the Darwinian view of the world, which replaces sanctification of life with sanctification of sex and death”.[90] Coulter subscribes to intelligent design, a theory that rejects evolution.[91]

Coulter was accused of anti-semitism in an October 8, 2007, interview with Donny Deutsch on The Big Idea. During the interview, Coulter stated that the United States is a Christian nation, and said that she wants “Jews to be perfected, as they say” (referring to them being converted to Christianity).[92] Deutsch, a practicing Jew, implied that this was an anti-semitic remark, but Coulter said she didn’t consider it to be a hateful comment.[93][94] In response to Coulter’s comments on the show, the Anti-Defamation League, American Jewish Committee and Bradley Burston condemned those comments,[95] and the National Jewish Democratic Council asked media outlets to stop inviting Coulter as a guest commentator.[96] Talk show host Dennis Prager, while disagreeing with her comments, said that they were not “anti-semitic”, noting, “There is nothing in what Ann Coulter said to a Jewish interviewer on CNBC that indicates she hates Jews or wishes them ill, or does damage to the Jewish people or the Jewish state. And if none of those criteria is present, how can someone be labeled anti-Semitic?”[97] Conservative activist David Horowitz also defended Coulter against the allegation.[98]

Coulter again sparked outrage in September 2015, when she tweeted in response to multiple Republican candidates’ references to Israel during a Presidential debate, “How many f—ing Jews do these people think there are in the United States?”[99] The Anti-Defamation League referred to the tweets as “ugly, spiteful and anti-Semitic.”[100] In response to accusations of anti-Semitism, she tweeted “I like the Jews, I like fetuses, I like Reagan. Didn’t need to hear applause lines about them all night.”[99]

Political views

Coulter is a conservative columnist. She is a registered Republican and member of the advisory council of GOProud since August 9, 2011.[101]

Coulter supported George W. Bush’s presidency. She endorsed Mitt Romney in the 2008 Republican presidential primary[102] and the 2012 Republican presidential primary and presidential run.[103] In the 2016 Republican Party presidential primaries, she endorsed Donald Trump.[104] However, in the wake of the 2017 Shayrat missile strike, Coulter expressed her dismay by tweeting, “Trump campaigned on not getting involved in Mideast.”[105

Bill Clinton, the 42nd President of the United States (1993–2001), has been publicly accused of sexual misconduct by three women. Apart from these three accusers, many other women have accused Clinton of consensual adultery.

Juanita Broaddrick accused Clinton of rape; Kathleen Willey accused Clinton of groping her without consent; and Paula Jones accused Clinton of exposing himself and sexually harassing her. Charges of sexual misconduct somewhat gained heightened publicity during Hillary Clinton‘s 2016 presidential campaign. In addition to these accusers, several other women have accused Clinton of consensual adultery.

Of all the allegations made against him regarding his sexual history, Clinton has only admitted extramarital relationships with Monica Lewinsky and Gennifer Flowers. Through his representatives, he has responded to the allegations by attempting to discredit the credibility of the accusers, noting that (in the case of Broaddrick and Willey) they previously testified, under oath, that Clinton never made unwanted advances. Several witnesses close to Willey and Jones state that the two women described their encounter with Clinton as consensual.

The three accusers, Willey, Broaddrick and Jones, reemerged in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign as critics of Hillary Clinton (accusing her of enabling her husband’s alleged sexual assault) and as supporters of Republican nominee Donald Trump, who himself was also facing sexual assault allegations during the campaign. They appeared as debate guests at the second 2016 presidential debate, alongside Kathy Shelton (who as a minor was raped by a man Hillary Clinton represented as a public defender), and referenced Bill Clinton in pre-debate statements. They also defended Trump from accusations of sexual misconduct arising from comments Trump made in a leaked video tape.

Angels, Protesters and Patriots: What a Long-Ago Skirmish Says About Love of Country

By Chris A. Smith

Lately, I’ve been thinking about an incident that happened in 1965, seven years before I was born. It centered on an antiwar protest in Berkeley, one of the first of countless such protests to come. Though just a blip in the grand scheme of Vietnam era turmoil, it seems to point to something important about America and the nature of patriotism.

It starts with a guy named “Tiny.” Tiny was 6’7” and 300 pounds. And he really liked to fight.

He was first into the breach that fall afternoon in 1965, punching his way through the front of the seven-block-long peace march on Adeline Street, near the Berkeley–Oakland border. Tiny was a member of the outlaw motorcycle gang Hells Angels, and more than a dozen of his brothers followed in his wake, ripping down antiwar signs and screaming, “Go back to Russia, you fucking Communists!”

By the time things calmed down, six Angels were in custody—including Tiny, who took a nightstick to the skull and on his way to the pavement broke a cop’s leg.

Later, the Angels held a press conference at their bail bondsman’s office. Oakland chapter leader Ralph “Sonny” Barger, an Army vet with slicked-back hair and an air of casual menace, called the protesters a “mob of traitors.” The Angels would take the high road, however, and absent themselves from future protests because, Barger explained, “Our patriotic concern for what these people are doing to our great nation may provoke violence by us.” Then he read a telegram he claimed to have sent to President Lyndon Johnson, volunteering the Angels for behind-the-lines “gorrilla” [sic] duty in Vietnam.

The Angels, at first blush, seemed unlikely patriots. Though not yet well known, they had a reputation with law enforcement for drinking, smoking dope, and sacking towns like modern-day Visigoths, answering to no authority higher than their East Oakland clubhouse. But now there they were, waving the flag. Their form of patriotism was gut-level, atavistic, loyalty to nation through blood and fire. Their group persona, meanwhile, was the stuff of American mythology, a grab-bag of frontier clichés sprung to life—they were contemporary cowboys, John Wayne’s unwashed, scofflaw cousins.

From behind the police lines, Gonzo journalist Hunter S. Thompson, who would publish a book on the Angels in 1967, watched the melee unfold that day. He noted that the antiwar crowd was fascinated by the bikers’ “aggressive, antisocial stance” and had hoped they might be allies in the struggle. Instead, “When push came to shove, the Hells Angels lined up solidly with the cops, the Pentagon, and the John Birch Society.”

At that point in the war, the American public tended to side with the Angels—at least when it came to the protesters. After the march, the counterculture newspaper Berkeley Barb canvassed Oaklanders’ opinions. Only 5 out of 66 surveyed supported the marchers. One woman said, “I think they should take a machine gun and shoot them all down.”

Ultimately, the protesters were on the right side of history. As American involvement in Vietnam deepened and the death toll mounted, public opinion turned decisively against a conflict that looked more unwinnable by the day.

Dissent often looks more admirable in the rear-view mirror. While some of the marchers likely had nothing more principled on their minds than avoiding the draft or getting laid, plenty of others could have articulated the politics behind their protest, connecting it not just to Marxist theories like those of foreign anticolonialists such as Frantz Fanon, but also to the Enlightenment ideals espoused by homegrown pot-stirrers such as Thomas Paine. They didn’t see their protest as unpatriotic. It was more an expression of idealism. As Cal’s Vietnam Day Committee announced that spring, “The problem of Vietnam is the problem of the soul of America.”

Martin Luther King, too, spoke of Vietnam in those terms, in a famous 1967 speech in which the civil rights leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner publicly spoke out against the war. “If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned,” King told his audience, “part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam.” King also reminded his listeners that the motto of his Southern Christian Leadership Conference was “To save the soul of America.”

As UC Berkeley linguist and NPR commentator Geoffrey Nunberg notes, “To describe oneself as a patriot is to suggest that others are less so.”

A half-century on, the question of who and what defines the soul of America (and whether it needs saving) and what it means to be a patriot is as unsettled as ever. This is mostly due to the quicksilver nature of the term patriotism itself. Patriotism lives primarily in the realm of myth and symbol, changeable from Left to Right and from one era to another. JFK and George W. Bush, civil rights leaders and Tea Partiers—patriots all, depending on whom you ask.

Jack Citrin, a professor of political science at Berkeley who has studied the relationship between American multiculturalism and patriotism, points out that the word is easy enough to define: love of country. The real question, though, is What do you mean when you say it?

“It was always interesting to see the fights between liberals and conservatives,” says journalist Paul Krassner, the former Yippie and Merry Prankster, who covered the anti-Vietnam movement in his underground newspaper The Realist. “Each group would shout at the other group, ‘We’re the patriots! You’re being unpatriotic!’”

As Berkeley linguist and NPR commentator Geoffrey Nunberg notes, “To describe oneself as a patriot is to suggest that others are less so.”

It’s not always a matter of rhetoric. Iconography also comes into play. In the sixties, symbols of patriotism were everywhere, useful proxies for anyone who wanted to make a statement on Vietnam. War supporters flew flags on their porches, and Richard Nixon donned a flag lapel pin. (According to biographer Stephen Ambrose, Nixon got the idea from Robert Redford’s antiestablishment film, The Candidate.) Protesters waved the flag, too—and wore it, sporting the stars and stripes on bell-bottoms and miniskirts and fringed jackets. Yippie Abbie Hoffman made a shirt out of Old Glory, and others painted it on their guitars, à la Wayne Kramer of the Detroit proto-punks MC5. While Jimi Hendrix played a tortured rock rendition of “The Star-Spangled Banner,” pro-war crowds sang “God Bless America.”

As the war ground on, however, the sense of frustration on the Left grew. Anger at the war bled into a generalized anger at the country. Liberals quit waving the flag. Krassner says, “You felt ashamed to be an American.”

By the time the last chopper lifted off the U.S. Embassy roof in Saigon, the Left was in full retreat from patriotism, leaving the Right to define the concept as it saw fit. The Right’s version tended to draw from the cowboy mythos of rugged individualism, just as the Angels’ version did. It was also militaristic, celebrating both American military power and the American soldier. Finally, the Right embraced a brand of American exceptionalism rooted in the Pilgrims’ Calvinist beliefs—Ronald Reagan’s invocation of America as a “shining city upon a hill,” blessed by Providence. A beacon to the world.

That exceptionalism finds expression on the Left as well, often as part of an ethic of global service, exemplified by programs such as the Peace Corps. Two decades earlier, President John F. Kennedy had invoked the same image before reminding his audience—the Massachusetts legislature—that, “of those to whom much is given, much is required.” In 2006, so did Barack Obama, when addressing the graduating class at the University of Massachusetts Boston.

Perhaps the truest thing anyone can say of patriotism is that it’s personal. I came of political age in the Reagan era, and in the hardcore punk scene that grew in response to it. I devoured righteous broadsides on apartheid, the prison-industrial complex, and Salvadoran death squads in Maximum Rocknroll, the Bay Area punk bible. I listened to bands with gleefully provocative names—Jodie Foster’s Army, Millions of Dead Cops, Dead Kennedys.

When, in 1984, Reagan adopted Bruce Springsteen’s “Born in the USA” as a campaign anthem, my parents dragged me to a Springsteen concert. I suffered as only a 12-year-old can suffer. It was years before I realized that the song was actually an indictment of the country’s piss-poor treatment of its Vietnam veterans.

None of this is to say that I lack national feeling. As much as I dislike the F-16 flyovers at the World Series (what does that have to do with baseball?), I root for the Americans when the Olympics come around. When I worked as a journalist and human rights researcher in the Middle East, I regularly got an earful on the shortcomings of U.S. policies. I agreed with most of the criticism, but I felt a tug of defensiveness, too. I couldn’t help it.

Like most people, I suspect, my feeling for this country is root-level, non-ideological. It’s the hardwired love you have for the place of your birth.

My wariness of patriotism comes from the tribalism that creeps alongside it and the Us and Them divisions it inevitably creates. There’s an undeniable appeal to tribal membership, of course. We all want to be part of the club, however we define it—Hells Angels, the GOP, punk rock.

The thing about clubs, though, is that not everybody’s welcome. If we’re being honest, most of us would reserve the right to pick who gets through the door. FDR’s New Deal, for all of its civic reforms, shut out African Americans. And in the view of at least some conservatives, America would be better off without Mexicans and Muslims. And what to make of Ammon Bundy’s militia, the guys who occupied the Oregon wildlife refuge this winter? They wrap themselves in the flag yet barely recognize the existence of the federal government. Are they patriots? Or are they domestic terrorists?

…Millennial students tend to see the world through an internationalist lens. Patriotism, with its tribal undercurrents, strikes them as irrelevant or counterproductive.

On a crisp morning in the winter of 2009, I joined thousands of other San Franciscans in the plaza fronting City Hall’s beaux-arts façade. We craned our necks, jubilant and slightly giddy, toward a giant screen to watch the inauguration of Barack Obama. The view would have been better back home on the couch, but that wasn’t the point—we wanted to be around others who felt as we did. After Obama’s speech we sang “The Star-Spangled Banner,” teary-eyed, voices cracking, then lingered in the sun, enjoying the moment.

I thought of something Michelle Obama had said the prior year, when her husband’s campaign began to gain steam: “For the first time in my adult life, I am really proud of my country.” An avalanche of criticism from the Right soon forced her to walk back her comment, but it resonated on the Left. For all of my own misgivings about patriotism, that’s how I felt that day in the Civic Center. This was our version of country.

Inevitably the euphoria faded, but it was a reminder that patriotism can be a powerful force. For that reason, some progressives are pushing to reclaim it. Robert Reich, labor secretary under Bill Clinton and a Berkeley public policy professor, made his case in a July 4 message last year, invoking a civic-minded patriotism in service of equality and the common good. As he tells me, “It’s about how we could create a better nation for all of our citizens.”

Michael Kazin, a former leader of Students for a Democratic Society and member of the Weathermen who teaches at Georgetown and co-edits the Leftist journal Dissent, agrees on the need for a reclamation. He says that his Millennial students tend to see the world through an internationalist lens. Patriotism, with its tribal undercurrents, strikes them as irrelevant or counterproductive. “They don’t talk about Americanism because they don’t see it that way,” he says with a sigh. “They’d have to reinvent patriotism, not just reclaim it.”

Perhaps the best we can hope for is a cold peace, something akin to what went down between the Hells Angels and the peaceniks in late 1965…

Only one thing seems certain: We will never, ever agree on the meaning of the word. Patriotism will continue to be refracted through the lens of ideology and upbringing. Republicans will emphasize American exceptionalism, Democrats inclusion, and Libertarians individual rights. And some, especially Millennials, may reject patriotism entirely while yielding to some other, as yet undefined tribal affiliation. As the biologist E.O. Wilson has written, the human tendency to form groups is instinctual and therefore nonnegotiable. He called it “our greatest, and worst, genetic inheritance.”

Perhaps the best we can hope for is a cold peace, something akin to what went down between the Hells Angels and the peaceniks in late 1965. Despite the Berkeley beatdown, many in the counterculture still saw the outlaw bikers as natural allies who just hadn’t grasped their proper role in the struggle yet. Krassner explains the thinking, “It was the whole countercultural ‘We love everybody, let’s all be together’ thing.”

A few weeks after the riot, poet Allen Ginsberg and some antiwar leaders went to Sonny Barger’s house for a meeting brokered by the novelist and Merry Prankster Ken Kesey, whose own politics existed somewhere out on the Day-Glo libertarian fringe. Together they dropped acid, talked politics, and sang Bob Dylan songs. When most of them were good and loaded, Ginsberg began chanting a Buddhist mantra, his mellifluous voice filling the room. Eventually the bikers joined in—even Tiny.

Alas, the grand alliance didn’t take. Barger, who would go on to survive cancer and prison bids and come out the other side as a living brand (his website sells merch inscribed “Sonny Barger: American Legend”), never changed his views. Those “left-wing peace creeps,” he declared in his autobiography, deserved every bruise they got.

All the same, the Angels never attacked another protest.

Chris A. Smith is a frequent contributor to California.

About Royal Rosamond Press

I am an artist, a writer, and a theologian.
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