Neo-Cons and the Arab Spring


Neo-Conservatives are being given credit for instigating ‘The Arab Spring’. Culture in the Western World has come full circle – if this hidden agenda is true – for Denis de Rougemont was the president of the Congress of Cultural Freedom from which the Neo-Cons sprang, and in his ‘Love In The western World’ Rougemont contends Chivalry and Courtly Love came from Islamic Knights who read Divine Poetry, such as written by Meher Baba.

Rougemont was at the first Bilderberg meeting, and was a co-founder of the European Union – and the United Nations. Denis was close with those who wanted a One World Government, and world famous artists. Denis may be my kinsman, thus kin to Dame Elizabeth Rosemond Taylor who owned a world class art collection. Denis may be kin to the artist Christine Rosamond Benton, the artist, Thomas Hart Benton, the teacher of Jackson Pollack. Rougemont was titled ‘The Prince of European culture’.

Let me make a list of what qualifies a mortal being for the office of Anti-Christ, One World Ruler, King of Grail Scholars and Bloodline, Templar Swiss Bankers, Masonic Cabal, ect. ect. The name Rougemont is at the epicenter of a thousand sites that point to me as the successor, the Man Who Holds The Key! They made the rules for this game – not me!

In the movie Giant, we see George Bush doing James Dean. Bush sees himself as the All American Lover Boy who got the girl – and the Big White House! Then, W put Wall Street in his back pocket, sat down on his wooden horse – and broke it! Wall street George! What a big bafoon, who gave white folks a bad name! White people once had Money Smarts. So does Mitt Romney – or so they say! This is the major theme of the Republican Party.

“White people own money smarts! And, are great lovers!”

The big trouble with chivalry these days – everywhere – is all these young warriors are coming home from the Jihad and the Crusade, and can’t get a job so they can get a pretty young thing to marry them. Reading her love poems, is a good start. Now what? The World of chivalry is wanting for a Go-el Redeemer who will forgive young folks of their debt, and grant them a nuptial home – of love! I’m talking about Peace, Freedon, and Love. I say – forgive all college students of their debt – now! Let billionaires bring home their money from Swiss Banks – and give the interest and tax revenue to pay off student loans.

I’m talking about the oldest tradtion the book. Young folks need a promised land so they can be fruitful and multiply. Giving more bucks to billionaires will not make more ideal American families. What I suggest is another Free Soil movement that was a big part of the founding of the Republican party. I suggest all those billions that are going to be spent slandering politicians, be giveninstead to our returning Vets so they can homestead a New America – with love – not war!

It is Time to turn our Giant Guns into ploughshares – and truly go back to 1776. It’s time grown men stop blubbering about what chivalry and honor they didn’t get, or lost, and give our young people a leg up! Open up Federal Lands to Vets – not oil companies!

Jon Presco

Irving Kristol

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Irving Kristol

Born
January 22, 1920(1920-01-22)
Brooklyn, New York
Died
September 18, 2009(2009-09-18) (aged 89)
Falls Church, Virginia
American neoconservatism
Irving Kristol (January 22, 1920 – September 18, 2009) was an American columnist, journalist, and writer who was dubbed the “godfather of neoconservatism”.[1] As the founder, editor, and contributor to various magazines, he played an influential role in the intellectual and political culture of the last half-century;[2] after his death he was described by The Daily Telegraph as being “perhaps the most consequential public intellectual of the latter half of the 20th century”.[3]

[edit] Background
Kristol was born in Brooklyn, New York, the son of non-observant Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe.[4][5] He received his B.A. from the City College of New York in 1940, where he majored in history and was part of a small but vocal Trotskyist anti-Soviet group who eventually became the New York Intellectuals. During World War II, he served in Europe in the 12th Armored Division as a combat infantryman.[6]
Kristol was affiliated with the Congress for Cultural Freedom; he wrote in Commentary
magazine from 1947 to 1952, under the editor Elliot Cohen (not to be confused with Elliot A. Cohen the writer of today’s magazine); co-founder (with Stephen Spender) of the British-based Encounter from 1953 to 1958; editor of The Reporter from 1959 to 1960; executive vice-president of the publishing house Basic Books from 1961 to 1969; Henry Luce Professor of Urban Values at New York University from 1969 to 1987; and co-founder and co-editor (first with Daniel Bell and then Nathan Glazer) of The Public Interest from 1965 to 2002. He was the founder and publisher of The National Interest from 1985 to 2002. Following Ramparts’ publication of information showing Central Intelligence Agency funding of the Congress, which was widely reported elsewhere, Kristol left in the late 1960s and became affiliated with the American Enterprise Institute.[7]

Kristol was a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and a fellow emeritus at the American Enterprise Institute (having been an associate fellow from 1972, a senior fellow from 1977, and the John M. Olin Distinguished Fellow from 1988 to 1999). As a member of the board of contributors of the Wall Street Journal, he contributed a monthly column from 1972 to 1997. He served on the Council of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1972 to 1977.
In July 2002, he received from President George W. Bush the Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor.
Kristol married historian Gertrude Himmelfarb in 1942. They had two children, Elizabeth Nelson and William Kristol, the editor of The Weekly Standard.
Kristol died aged 89 on September 18, 2009 at the Capital Hospice in Falls Church, Virginia from complications of lung cancer.[8]

The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) was an anti-communist advocacy group founded in 1950. In 1962, the World Marxist Review published an article entitled, “Who Financed Anti-Communism?” by Ernst Henri which revealed the United States and the Ford foundation as the secret financial backers of the CCF. In 1966, the New York Times published an article exposing the CIA as secretly funding the CCF British magazine, Encounter.Finally, in 1967, it was revealed (first by Ramparts and later by mainstream news outlets) that the United States Central Intelligence Agency was instrumental in the establishment and funding of the group (through organizations such as the Ford Foundation), and it was subsequently renamed the International Association for Cultural Freedom (IACF). At its height, the CCF/IACF was active in some thirty-five countries and also received significant funding from the Ford Foundation.[1]

The Congress was founded at the Titania Palace in West Berlin on 26 June 1950 to find ways to counter the view that liberal democracy was less compatible with culture than communism. It may have been started in response to a March 1949 peace conference at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City at which many prominent U.S. leftists and pacifists urged for peace with Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union. Some of the leading lights attending the Titania Palace conference included Franz Borkenau, Karl Jaspers, John Dewey, Ignazio Silone, James Burnham, Hugh Trevor-Roper, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Bertrand Russell, Ernst Reuter, Raymond Aron, Alfred Ayer, Benedetto Croce, Jacques Maritain, Arthur Koestler, James T. Farrell, Richard Löwenthal, Robert Montgomery, Melvin J. Lasky, Tennessee Williams and Sidney Hook. There were conservatives among the participants, but anti-Stalinist left-wingers were more numerous. “Godfather of Neoconservatism” Irving Kristol was also a member of the Congress.[2]

[edit] Activities
The Congress managed to obtain enough funding to permit it to operate offices in thirty-five countries,[citation needed] maintain a large staff, sponsor events internationally, and produce numerous publications. In the early 1960s, the CCF mounted a campaign against the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, an ardent communist. The campaign intensified when it appeared that Neruda was a candidate for the Nobel Prize in 1964.
[edit] Involvement of the CIA
In 1967, the magazine Ramparts and the Saturday Evening Post reported on the CIA’s funding of a number of anti-communist cultural organizations aimed at winning the support of supposedly Soviet-sympathizing liberals worldwide. These reports were lent credence by a statement made by a former CIA covert operations director admitting to CIA financing and operation of the CCF. The CIA web site states that “[t]he Congress for Cultural Freedom is widely considered one of the CIA’s more daring and effective Cold War covert operations.”[3]
In May 1967 Thomas Braden, head of the CFC’s parent body the International Organizations Division, responded to the Ramparts article by publishing an article entitled, I’m Glad the CIA is “Immoral”, in the Saturday Evening Post, where he defended the activities of the International Organizations Division unit of the CIA. Braden admitted that for more than 10 years, the CIA had subsidized Encounter through the CFC, which it also funded, and that one of its staff was a CIA agent.[4]
Theories about the Australian arm of the IACF have abounded since 1975, when then Australian Governor-General John Kerr, an IACF member and, according to William Blum, as cited by John Pilger, a member of the executive board of the Australian branch, dismissed the government of then Prime Minister Gough Whitlam.
Greenberg freely admits that the CCF was funded through CIA fronts, and singles out for praise the role of Professor Sidney Hook[citation needed], who founded the U.S. predecessor to the CCF, Americans for Intellectual Freedom. Greenberg also notes that at the founding conference of the CCF in Berlin, the honorary chairmen included John Dewey, Bertrand Russell, Benedetto Croce, Karl Jaspers and Jacques Maritain.[citation b
http://www.religion-online.org/showarticle.asp?title=382

The France of 1939 was on the whole democratic, and almost every Frenchman sincerely called himself anti-Nazi, and believed himself proof against this kind of temptation. He had his good conscience as a democrat. Hitler came, France capitulated, and today the “anti-fascist intellectuals” of Paris suddenly discover that at bottom Nazism is not so bad as all that, that, on the whole, they had always desired something passably resembling it, and that after all, “the Nazis are men like us, so let us work together.”
That is the danger that American democracy is exposed to, as were the others. She too believed and still believes that the Nazis are animals of an altogether different race from Americans. She too risks discovering some day that “after all, they are men like us.” And it is quite true that they are men like us, in the sense that their sin is also in us, secretly.
It seems to me that the clearest lesson which emerges from European events is this: The sentimental hatred of the evil that is in others may blind one to the evil that one bears in himself and to the gravity of evil in general. The overly facile condemnation of the wicked man on the opposite side may conceal and favor much inward complaisance toward that very wickedness. I suspect a profound ambivalence in certain democratic denunciations of Hitlerism, for in the violence of the tone and the obstinate simplism of the judgments, we betray our bad conscience, our secret anxiety, our unacknowledged temptation. In regard to anti-fascists who wish only to be anti, I cannot help thinking that sooner or later the pro which slumbers in a corner of their soul will suddenly awaken and overwhelm them. I have seen too many cases of this kind, individual and collective. I saw the population of the Saar throw itself into Hitler’s arms in 1935. I saw a democratic Vienna transformed in twenty-four hours into a Vienna delirious with Hitlerian passion. I saw France, or let us say certain Frenchmen, discover inside a few weeks the “good points” of the totalitarian system. I believe that I know whereof I speak when I say to honest democrats: Look at the Devil that is among us! Stop believing that he can only resemble Hitler, or Stalin, or Senator Wheeler, for it is you yourself that he will always contrive to resemble the most. If you want to catch him, I am going to tell you where you will most surely find him—seated in your own armchair. It is in you alone that you will catch him in the very act. And then only will you be in a state to track him down in others. And then only will you be cured of your almost incredible naiveté before the totalitarian danger and be able to escape hypnosis.
I sum up. We were lacking a modern picture of the Demon. We had therefore stopped believing in him. Then we imagined that the Devil was Hitler. And the Devil rejoiced. (Hitler too.) It would be more fruitful, more realistic, and finally more truthful, to try picturing the Devil to ourselves as having the features of a dynamic and optimistic playboy, lacking all thought. Or, if we are liberal intellectuals for example, as having the features of a liberal intellectual who does not believe in the Devil.

Rougemont Denis de
Swiss writer, philosopher and essayist (Couvet 1906 – Geneva 1985). After obtaining his Humanities degree, Denis de Rougemont completed his studies between Geneva, Vienna and Neuchâtel. He was the co-founder of the magazine Hic et Nunc and collaborated with Esprit and Ordre Nouveau and the magazines Plans, Nouvelle Revue Française, Revue de Paris, and Le Figaro.
From the first international conferences in Geneva in September 1946, he strived to get Europeans linked by common culture to unite in a federal system where spirit prevails over economics and politics. In 1947 de Rougemont met Albert Einstein at Princeton, and discussed the problems of the union of Europe with him. Dedicated to the creation of a united Europe, in August 1947 he gave the inaugural speech at the first Congress of the Union of European Federalists (UEF) at Montreux, which laid the foundations for the Hague Congress in 1948, and promoted the establishment of a European Cultural Centre, which he later directed, and from which numerous European institutions came from (including Cern). De Rougemont was the editor of the cultural report of the Congress of Europe and wrote the Message to Europeans in The Hague in May 1948. In November he was elected the General Delegate of the Union of European Federalists. In 1949 he set up bureau d’études in Geneva under the aegis of the European Movement, in charge of preparing the European Conference on Culture held in Lausanne in December 1949. In 1950 he took part in demonstrations in Berlin leading to the establishment of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which de Rougemont then presided over from 1952 to 1966. He addressed the Lettres aux Députés européens to the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe along with the Appeal which was then read on behalf of 6,000 European students demonstrating in front of the Council of Europe.
De Rougemont challenged the destructive principle of nation-states, the origin of all wars in Europe, with European federalism. The basis of that Europe is culture. In 1963 he set up the University Institute of European Studies, which – after closing in 1991 – was opened up again by the University of Geneva under the name European Institute of the University of Geneva. De Rougemont’s works include: Les Méfaits de l’Instruction publique (1929); Le Paysan du Danube (1932); Politique de la Personne (1934); Penser avec les Mains (1936); Journal d’un Intellectuel en chômage (1937); Journal d’Allemagne (1938); L’Amour et l’Occident (1939); Nicolas de Flue (1939); Mission ou Démission de la Suisse (1940); Qu’estce que la Ligue du Gothard? (1940); La Part du Diable (1942/1944); Journal des deux Mondes (1946); Personnes du Drame (1947); Vivre en Amérique (1947); L’Europe en jeu (1948); Lettres aux députés européens (1950); L’Aventure occidentale de l’Homme (1957); The Christian Opportunity (1963); Fédéralisme culturel (1965); La Suisse ou l’Histoire d’un Peuple heureux (1965); Les Mythes de l’Amour (1972); and L’Avenir est notre Affaire (1977).
Publications
L’Europa e la Fondazione Europea Dragan – volume 33
Public lectures

Rougemont, Denis (de)
8.09.1906, Couvet (Neuchâtel) – 6.12.1985, Geneva
Source Fondation Denis de Rougemont

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Biography
Denis de Rougemont was born on on September 8th, 1906 in Couvet in the Canton from Neuchâtel in Switzerland. His/her father is Pasteur. He continues studies of letters at the University of Neuchâtel between 1925 and 1930. In parallel, it starts its first voyages and remains in particular in Vienna, in Hungary and Souabe.
 
In 1930, it settles in Paris and becomes, within the Esprit movements and the Order New one of the founders of Personalism, at the sides of Emmanuel Mounier, Arnaud Dandieu, Robert Aron, Henri Daniel-Rops and Alexandre Marc. They were called “the nonconformists of the Thirties”. Rejecting as well Hitler as Stalin, just as nationalism and individualism, they preach the idea of an political organization, economic and social which is with the service of the Person designed like a unit at the same time distinct (the individual) and connected to the Community (the citizen), at the same time free (as an individual) and person in charge (as a citizen).
 
The Federalism appears the model to them which makes it possible best to link the People without giving up their diversity, and this is why they preach it. On the other hand, they reject the State-Nation centralized like mode of organization of the company.
 
During the years 1930, Denis de Rougemont develops the topics of Personalism through two works: Policy of the Person (1934), To think with the Hands (1936). In 1935-1936, it remains in Germany like French reader at the University of Francfort-sur-le-Main and brings back from there a very negative testimony on the Nazism, which it delivers in his Newspaper of Germany (1938). In 1939 appears the Love and the Occident which shows the influence D `a certain number of accounts mythical (of which Tristan and Iseult) on the typically Western design of an impassioned love and finally destructor, that the author opposes to the true charity.
 
In 1940, it is mobilized in the Swiss army and, with other personalities, it founds the League of Gothard which aims at stimulating the spirit of resistance to Hitler. Its positions being considered to be not very compatible with Swiss neutrality, it is sent on mission of conferences to the United States. Installed in New York, it publishes the share of the devil into 1942 who is a reflection on the disorders of the modern world, limed in totalitarianism and the materialism. It binds with many writers or European artists in exile (Saint-Exupéry, André Breton, Max Ernst, Marcel Duchamp, Saint-John Perse, Wystan Auden). After Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it shows, in its Letters on the atomic bomb (1946), that the nuclear weapon places the men in front of a world danger which must encourage them to exceed the idea of national sovereignty.
 
Returned definitively to Europe in 1947, it takes part, at the sides of the federalists, the efforts to link Europe. On August 26th, 1947, he makes the inaugural speech of the first Congress of the European Union of the Federalists (the federalistic attitude). At the time of the Congress of $the Hague (7 May 10th, 1948), he is at the same time rapporteur of the cultural Commission and writer of the Final declaration (Message to Europeans). During this Congress, the cultural Commission proposes the creation of a Center European of the Culture, tries whose seizes itself Denis de Rougemont who to this end organizes the first European Conference of the Culture (Lausanne, 8 December 12th, 1949). The Center European of the Culture is finally made up in Geneva in 1950 and placed under the direction of Denis de Rougemont.
 
At the same time, it is mobilized with other intellectuals against Stalinist propaganda conveying the idea of a culture to the service of the class struggle, within the Congress for the Freedom of the Culture of which he becomes President in 1952 (he will occupy this function until 1966).
 
In charge of the Center European of the Culture, Denis de Rougemont provided the foundations, in December 1950, of an organization gathering the European scientists working on nuclear energy: it will be the CERN. He was at the origin of the first association joining together the very first Institutes of European Studies, which was drawn up in Geneva in 1951 (it existed until 1991), as well as European Association of the Festivals of Music. In the sides of Robert Schuman, it took part in the creation of the European Foundation of the Culture (Geneva, December 16th, 1954) which was transported to Amsterdam in 1957 when it always continues its activities.
 
He undertakes a deliberation on the cultural features which characterize the Occident compared to other civilizations. It is the topic of its work the Western Adventure of the Man (1957) and the think tank on the “dialog of the cultures” (formulates begun again later by UNESCO) which it organizes as from 1961. This same year, it publishes a work on the history of the European idea entitled Twenty-eight centuries of Europe. In 1963, it founds in Geneva the Institute of European Studies which will be incorporated in the University in 1992.
 
From the years 1960, its activity will concentrate on two topics: the rise of the areas and the transborder areas which carries out it towards the idea of a federalism being combined to the ideal of “Europe of the Areas”; destruction of the environment which leads it to call in question the finalities of our companies. He sees in the emergence of areas to human size at the same time an alternative to the State-Nation and the chance to reintroduce in our companies the concept of responsibility so essential to safeguarding for the environment. Ecology and areas are in the center of its last two major works: Open letter with Europeans (1970), the Future is our business (1977).
 
One will also raise permanence of his reflection on the technical development and his consequences, since his work on the atomic bomb going back to 1946 until data processing (article “Information is not to know” in 1981), via civil nuclear energy (the CERN).
 
Denis de Rougemont dies in Geneva on on December 6th, 1985.

About Royal Rosamond Press

I am an artist, a writer, and a theologian.
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