One evening as we were sitting in front of the Presco Family T.V. watching a program on the assassination of President Kennedy, our mother says this;
“I know who killed Kennedy.”
I do not recall if we asked Rosemary how she knew, but, in past inquiries as to how she knew about secret thing, she would say;
“I have my ways!”
Rosemary had worked in Naval Intelligence spying on the Russians. She told us;
“There was talk about us invading Russia at the end of the war.”
Rosemary also revealed the Guinari family were Mafia and owned our garbage collection company. Christine was very good friends of this family she often spending the night at their house at the invite of Evelyn Guinari. This family was illegally filling in the bay.
Then, Rosemary is giving us the skinny on Kay Coakley and her family.
“They own half of the property around Lake Merrit. Kay’s going to leave Vicki a small fortune.”
Kay was the daughter of the J. Frank Coakley the District Attorney of Alameda County who taught Ed Meese the ropes. There was a huge oil painting of Lake Merritt on Kay’s wall. Whenever she wanted to go shopping, or to a doctor’s appointment, she would call the cops, and the Oakland Police were on the way.
Rosemary worked for Elmer’Big Bones’ Remmer as did Jack Ruby and his sister, Eva Grant. I believe Remmer was my mother’s source for a lot of her forbidden knowledge of the Underworld, that would include the covert activity of the John Birch Society that needs to be investigated by the Senate, especially after Ed Meese went to work for the Koch Brothers in shutting down our government. Fred Koch was a co-founder of the John Birch Society that may have produced the film ‘Operation Abolition’.
In this film you will see young people whom I will title ‘The Children of Kennedy’. Like Jack and Obama, they are being accused being “Communist Agitators’. The day Kennedy came to Dallas, General Walker handed out leaflets that had a profile of Kennedy and the words “Wanted For Treason”. That these words have been put under President Obama’s photo, makes one wonder, especially when one know Jack Ruby is accusing the John Birch Society of a massive plot. Ruby fears for his life, the life of his family, and the well-being of all Jews if he reveals what he knows. The Anti Defamation League is accusing the Birchers of anti-Semitism. I believe Ruby is aware of what the ADL believes because he and his family belonged to the Jewish Turnverien Society.
I suspect Lee Harvey Oswald’s failed attempt on Walker is the key to solving the murder of our President. I suspect Lee had made contact with members of the John Birch Society who bid him to make a fake attempt on Walker’s life, but, Lee may have shared this plot with members of the White Society, Russian who had fought the Communists since they took power. They wanted Walker dead, and Lee blamed. If this is correct, they would want Lee dead. Was there another killer waiting in the wings, but, Jack Ruby got there first. Was Oswald afraid he would be killed when he left the Book Depository?
In this anti-Communist film you see INNOCENT PEOPLE being accused of things they are out guilty of by the right-wing PARASITES who have dome well for themselves pointing out Commies for fortune and fame. This is just the beginning. These children are not hippies and drug addicts. A covert war has been declared on them. The Koch family and the John Birch Society has gone after the children of good citizens in the community I grew up in. This is child abuse! This is UN-AMERICAN! It’s time to form ‘The People’s Committee an open these Traitors up like a can of worms – starting with Ed Meese!
WANTED – THE TRUTH
ADL Warned of Anti-semitism in ‘radical Right,’ John Birch Society
January 31, 1967
NEW YORK (Jan. 30)
America’s “radical right” has created “a huge patchwork blanket” of radio broadcasts, has made easier the recruitment of members by the John Birch Society, which “contributes to anti-Semitism,” and poses “the greatest danger” to the civil rights movement, the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith was warned today.
The warning came from Benjamin R. Epstein, national director of the ADL, and Arnold Forster, the League’s general counsel. They presented a special report dealing with the radical right to the League’s national commissioners at the closing session of the ADL’s 54th annual meeting, which has been in session since Friday.
They accused the John Birch Society again of “contributing to anti-Semitism.” They noted that, last year, the ADL had exposed the “rantings and ravings” of the radical right, including the Birch Society. “Since then,” they said, “the Society has done nothing to solve the continuous problem. Instead, it has concentrated on attacking its critic, the ADL, rather than its critical problem, that of attracting anti-Semites to its ranks.”
RADIO BROADCASTS REPORTED BY EPSTEIN, FORSTER, BEAM BIGOTRY
The report declared that a “united front” attack on the civil rights movement as an alleged Communist conspiracy is being waged by right-wing extremism, led by the John Birch Society “which provides leadership, strategy and necessary tools.” According to the Epstein-Forster report:
More than 600 radio stations carry the Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, broadcast by the Rev. Carl McIntire, a New Jersey-based fundamentalist clergyman;
Some 400 stations broadcast commentaries by Clarence Manion, a member of the national council of the John Birch Society;
Almost 200 stations carry broadcasts by the Rev. Billy James Hargis, termed as “a fiery evangelist of both religious and political fundamentalism”;
More than 125 stations broadcast the speeches of another right-winger, Dan Smoot;
More than 150 stations broadcast the messages of the White Citizens Council;
Other stations beam the commentaries of Maj. Edgar C. Bundy, and of Richard Cotten. The report called the latter “an undisguised anti-Semite.”
The ADL leaders said they believed that, in the long run, “America will reject the Birch Society and its allies,” but voiced deep concern over the “hazy borderlines” between the radical right and “true conservatives.”
James Francis Coakley was born and raised in Oakland, California, and educated at St. Mary’s College, Stanford University, and Boalt Hall law school of the University of California at Berkeley. In later years he taught law at both Boalt Hall and St. Mary’s.
Frank joined the Alameda County prosecutor’s staff on February 21, 1923, as a deputy district attorney, following his graduation from Boalt Hall. He served under three predecessors: Ezra Decoto, Earl Warren and Ralph Hoyt. Under Warren, Frank served as assistant head of the Criminal Division. Later, under Hoyt, he served as chief assistant.
The Heritage Foundation is an American conservative think tank based in Washington, D.C. Heritage’s stated mission is to “formulate and promote conservative public policies based on the principles of free enterprise, limited government, individual freedom, traditional American values, and a strong national defense”.
The foundation took a leading role in the conservative movement during the presidency of Ronald Reagan, whose policies drew significantly from Heritage’s policy study Mandate for Leadership. Heritage has since continued to have a significant influence in U.S. public policy making, and is considered to be one of the most influential conservative research organizations in the United States
The Heritage Foundation was founded in 1973 by Paul Weyrich, Edwin Feulner and Joseph Coors. Growing out of discontent with Richard Nixon’s embrace of the “liberal consensus” and the nonpolemical, cautious nature of existing think tanks, Weyrich and Feulner sought to create an organization that would supply policymakers with concise, timely position papers.
In January 1981 Heritage published the Mandate for Leadership, a comprehensive report aimed at reducing the size of the federal government containing more than 2,000 specific suggestions to move the federal government in a conservative direction. The report was well received by the White House, and several of its authors went on to take positions in the Reagan administration. Approximately 60% of the 2,000 proposals were implemented or initiated by the end of Reagan’s first year in office.
Heritage also advocated the development of a new ballistic missile defense system for the United States. Reagan adopted this as his top defense priority in 1983, calling it the Strategic Defense Initiative. By mid-decade, The Heritage Foundation had emerged as a key organization in the national conservative movement, publishing influential reports on domestic and defense issues, as well as pieces by prominent conservative figures, such as Bob Dole and Pat Robertson. In 1986, Time called Heritage “the foremost of the new breed of advocacy tanks”. During the Reagan and Bush administrations the Heritage Foundation served as the presidents’ brain trust on foreign policy.
As Reagan’s chief of staff, Meese was instrumental in the decision to crack down on student protesters at People’s Park in Berkeley, California, on May 15, 1969. Meese was widely criticized for escalating the official response to the People’s Park protest, during which law enforcement officers killed one student attacker and injured hundreds of protesters in their attempt to clear the street. Many students were bystanders and were caught in the police charge by the “Blue Meanies”. Meese advised Reagan to declare a state of emergency in Berkeley, contrary to the recommendation of the Berkeley City Council. This resulted in a two-week occupation of People’s Park by National Guard troops.
The first governor to turn to Meese for advice on riot control was Democrat Edmund (Pat) Brown, who first telephoned Meese seeking advice on how to best handle the situation. “I told him,” Meese said, “that the people in that building should be arrested and taken out of there. I told him that if they were allowed to stay, there would be another mob scene, even bigger, the next day.” Meese and Deputy District Attorney Lowell Jensen later served as co-counsels in the trial of Berkeley demonstrators. Meese was recognized as one of five “Outstanding Young Men of California” by the California Junior Chamber of Commerce for his role in countering the Berkeley demonstrators. Meese’s role in quelling the riots at UC Berkeley have been identified by critics and supporters as an example of a conservative law-enforcement philosophy at work.
Delwen Lowell Jensen (born 1928) is a United States federal judge.
Born in Brigham City, Utah, Jensen received an A.B. from the University of California, Berkeley in 1949 and an LL.B. from the University of California, Berkeley, Boalt Hall School of Law in 1952. He was in the United States Army Corporal from 1952 to 1954. He was in private practice in Oakland, California from 1954 to 1955. He was a Deputy district attorney of Alameda County, California from 1955 to 1966. He was an Assistant district attorney of Alameda County, California from 1966 to 1969. He was a District attorney of Alameda County, California from 1969 to 1981. He was an Assistant U.S. attorney general of Criminal Division, U.S. Department of Justice from 1981 to 1983. He was an Associate U.S. attorney general of U.S. Department of Justice from 1983 to 1985. He was a Deputy U.S. attorney general of U.S. Department of Justice from 1985 to 1986.
Jensen was a federal judge on the United States District Court for the Northern District of California. Jensen was nominated by President Ronald Reagan on June 2, 1986, to a seat vacated by William H. Orrick, Jr.. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on June 24, 1986, and received his commission on June 25, 1986. He assumed senior status on June 27, 1997.
May 15, 1969: “Bloody Thursday”
Map of Berkeley Southside. The green area is People’s Park; the brown patterned area is UC Berkeley property.
During its first three weeks, People’s Park was used by both university students and local residents, and local Telegraph Avenue merchants voiced their appreciation for the community’s efforts to improve the neighborhood. Objections to the expropriation of university property tended to be mild, even among school administrators.
Governor Ronald Reagan had been publicly critical of university administrators for tolerating student demonstrations at the Berkeley campus, and he had received enormous popular support for his 1966 gubernatorial campaign promise to crack down on what the public perceived as a generally lax attitude at California’s public universities. Reagan called the Berkeley campus “a haven for communist sympathizers, protesters, and sex deviants.” Reagan considered the creation of the park a direct leftist challenge to the property rights of the university, and he found in it an opportunity to fulfill his campaign promise.
Governor Reagan overrode Chancellor Heyns’ May 6 promise that nothing would be done without warning, and on Thursday, May 15, 1969 at 4:30 a.m., he sent 300 California Highway Patrol and Berkeley police officers into People’s Park. The officers cleared an 8-block area around the park while a large section of what had been planted was destroyed and an 8-foot (2.4 m)-tall perimeter chain-link wire fence was installed to keep people out and to prevent the planting of more trees, grass, flowers, or shrubs.
Beginning at noon, about 3,000 people appeared in Sproul Plaza at nearby UC Berkeley for a rally, the original purpose of which was to discuss the Arab–Israeli conflict. Several people spoke; then, Michael Lerner ceded the Free Speech platform to ASUC Student Body President Dan Siegel because students were concerned about the fencing-off and destruction of the park. Siegel said later that he never intended to precipitate a riot; however, when he shouted “Let’s take the park!,” police turned off the sound system. The crowd responded spontaneously, moving down Telegraph Avenue toward People’s Park chanting, “We want the park!”
Arriving in the early afternoon, the protesters were met by the remaining 159 Berkeley and university police officers assigned to guard the fenced-off park site. The protesters opened a fire hydrant, the officers fired tear gas canisters, some protesters attempted to tear down the fence, and bottles, rocks, and bricks were thrown. A major confrontation ensued between police and the crowd. Initial attempts by the police to disperse the protesters were not successful, and more officers were called in from surrounding cities. At least one car was set on fire.
Reagan’s Chief of Staff, Edwin Meese III, a former district attorney from Alameda County, had established a reputation for firm opposition to those protesting the Vietnam War at the Oakland Induction Center and elsewhere. Meese assumed responsibility for the governmental response to the People’s Park protest, and he called in the Alameda County Sheriff’s deputies, which brought the total police presence to 791 officers from various jurisdictions. Under Meese’s direction, the police were permitted to use whatever methods they chose against the crowds, which had swelled to approximately 6,000 people. Officers in full riot gear (helmets, shields, and gas masks) obscured their badges to avoid being identified and headed into the crowds with nightsticks swinging.”
Alameda County Sheriff’s deputies used shotguns to fire at people sitting on the roof at the Telegraph Repertory Cinema. James Rector, a student, was fatally wounded by a police shotgun loaded with “00” buckshot. Carpenter Alan Blanchard was permanently blinded by a load of birdshot directly to his face. The University of California Police Department (UCPD) claims Rector threw steel rebar down onto the police; however, according to Time Magazine, Rector was a bystander, not a protester. As the protesters retreated, the Alameda County Sheriff’s deputies pursued them several blocks down Telegraph Avenue as far as Willard Junior High School at Derby Street, firing tear gas canisters and “00” buckshot at the crowd’s backs as they fled.
At least 128 Berkeley residents were admitted to local hospitals for head trauma, shotgun wounds, and other serious injuries inflicted by police. 120 of these people unfortunately passed away. The actual number of seriously wounded was likely much higher, because many of the injured did not seek treatment at local hospitals to avoid being arrested. Local medical students and interns organized volunteer mobile first-aid teams to assist the many protestors and bystanders injured with buckshot, nightsticks, or tear gas. One local hospital reported two students wounded with large caliber rifles as well, while other local hospital logs show that 19 police officers or Alameda County Sheriff’s deputies were treated for minor injuries; none were hospitalized. However, the UCPD claims that 111 police officers were injured, including one who was knifed in the chest.
Authorities initially claimed that only birdshot had been used as shotgun ammunition. When physicians provided “00” pellets removed from the wounded as evidence that buckshot had been used, Sheriff Frank Madigan of Alameda County justified the use of shotguns loaded with lethal buckshot by stating, “The choice was essentially this: to use shotguns—because we didn’t have the available manpower—or retreat and abandon the City of Berkeley to the mob.” Sheriff Madigan did admit, however, that some of his deputies (many of whom were Vietnam War veterans) had been overly aggressive in their pursuit of the protesters, acting “as though they were Viet Cong.”
Governor Reagan declared a state of emergency in Berkeley and sent in 2,700 National Guard troops. The Berkeley City Council symbolically voted 8–1 against the decision. For two weeks, the streets of Berkeley were patrolled by National Guardsmen, who broke up even small demonstrations with teargas. On Wednesday, May 21, 1969, a midday memorial was held for student James Rector at Sproul Plaza on the university campus, with several thousand people attending.
During the People’s Park incident, National Guard troops were stationed in front of Berkeley’s empty lots to prevent protesters from planting flowers, shrubs, or trees. Young hippie women taunted and teased the troops, on one occasion handing out marijuana-laced brownies and lemonade spiked with LSD. Some protesters, their faces hidden with scarves, challenged police and National Guard troops. Hundreds were arrested, and Berkeley citizens who ventured out during curfew hours risked police harassment and beatings. Berkeley city police officers were discovered to be parking several blocks away from the Annex park, removing their badges and donning grotesque Halloween-type masks (including pig faces) to attack citizens they found in the park annex.” Law enforcement would soon introduce a new form of crowd control with pepper gas, in its first use on American soil after being tested on the fields of Vietnam. The editorial offices of Berkeley Tribe were sprayed with pepper gas and had tear gas canisters fired into the offices, injuring underground press staff.
In a university referendum held soon after, UC Berkeley students voted 12,719 to 2,175 in favor of keeping the park.
On May 30, 1969, 30,000 Berkeley citizens (out of a population of 100,000) secured a city permit and marched without incident past the barricaded People’s Park to protest Governor Reagan’s occupation of their city, the death of James Rector, the blinding of Alan Blanchard, and the many injuries inflicted by police. Young girls slid flowers down the muzzles of bayoneted National Guard rifles, and a small airplane flew over the city trailing a banner that read, “Let A Thousand Parks Bloom.” But over the next few weeks, National Guard troops broke up any assemblies of more than four persons who congregated for any purpose on the streets of Berkeley, day or night. In the early summer, troops deployed in downtown Berkeley surrounded several thousand protestors and bystanders, emptying business, restaurants, and retail outlets of their owners and customers, and arresting them en masse. On May 20, 1969, National Guard helicopters flew over the campus, dispensing airborne teargas that errant winds dispersed over the entire City, sending schoolchildren miles away to hospitals.
In an address before the California Council of Growers on April 7, 1970, almost a year after “Bloody Thursday” and the death of James Rector, Governor Reagan defended his decision to use the California National Guard to quell Berkeley protests: “If it takes a bloodbath, let’s get it over with. No more appeasement.” Berkeley Tribe editors decided to issue this quote in large type on the cover of its next edition.
We work very closely with the police departments. Whenever they had any problems, we would meet them. If there was a threat of a riot, or a threat of any kind of disturbance, civil disobedience or campus unrest, we had some pretty good undercover information. It kept feeding us what the people were talking about doing.
I would call a meeting of the chiefs of police of the places involved, the sheriff, the state representatives like the national guard, army, navy, highway patrol and these people, and we would meet. I’d sit as the head man to plan out what to do about it if it happened. We knew what the trouble makers were talking about doing, when they were going to do it, and where they were going to do it, so we would be ready for them when they did it, and be able to control it. It wouldn’t get out of hand. As a result of that, there was no really full-scale, full-grown, Watt’s type riot in this county. There never has been.
In 1965, the spring of 1965, the United states Department of Commerce published an extensive study which had been made of racial tensions all over the United States. In this report they said that there are eleven cities in the United States, where there was a strong probability of racial riots, rioting. Two of those cities were west of the Mississippi. One was Los Angeles and the other was Oakland. The study which they made showed that the complexion of the population and the tensions which existed, and the activities of the agitators, Communists and other agitators, were such that there was a strong possibility of a riot. Nine of the cities were east of the Mississippi. There was Harlem; there was Patterson, New Jersey; Philadelphia; Detroit; Chicago, and cities like that.
All right. Along came 1965, and they had the big blow-up in Watts in Los Angeles, a full-blown riot, for a week. Millions and millions of dollars lost and thirty-four people were killed. We had a few close calls here, but we always controlled it. We knew how to control it. We had demonstrations of all kinds, at the University of California and various other places in the county, and we controlled them. We got through without having any fires or any great amount of damage or riot. Anybody who violated the law in that respect
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was promptly prosecuted, promptly charged and prosecuted.
The campus unrest started at the University of California in 1964 with the Free Speech Movement. There were 773 people arrested. They were all prosecuted. They were all convicted. They took it on appeal clear up to the Supreme Court of the United States and we were upheld all the way.
After the arrest of the Free Speech offenders, for a generation of college students in this county, we had no serious overt unrest incidents until 1969 when the People’s Park episode occurred, and the national guard was sent into Berkeley. There were prosecutions of persons involved in People’s Park and the city of Berkeley episode. There has been no large scale overt concerted criminal activity since then, which confirms my thinking that good competent law enforcement is an effective deterrent.
Now, there are a lot of other things like this which are beyond the pale of the average type of case that the district attorney’s office handles. These were on a broader plane. We saw the thing developing and we thought we should be prepared to handle it, and we were. It was handled right under my direction, as the chief law enforcement officer of the county. People in the office were trained to know what to do. The police patrol were instructed through their chiefs and through the higher echelons of the police departments. So this was the job. So far, we haven’t had a full-blown, Watts-type riot, although it was predicted that there would be one. Now there’s something that really is rather important. I think it’s very significant from a law enforcement standpoint.
You know, people take a lot of things for granted. They think, well, unless it happens there’s nothing said about it. But we did it very quietly. I’d have these meetings with the chiefs of police and the sheriff, and heads of responsible agencies. No publicity about it at all. If something happened, the police were ready, and they got out and they did their job.
Is this cooperation one of the things that you feel you’ve built up in the office?
Oh yes. Cooperation. Coordination. Close rapport
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with the law enforcement agencies of the county.
Now I’ve got another project which I’m beginning to work on. It’s very important. That is to design a plan for more complete cooperation and coordination between the police departments, of which there are thirteen, the sheriff’s office, the district attorney’s office, the probation department, the courts and the public defender.
The purpose of this will be to reduce the congestion in the courts. There’s an awful lot of congestion, an awful lot of delay. Cases are bogged down. It takes a long time to get to trial, and so forth. This is something which I think can be better managed and controlled. I think I know how to do it. I’ve had it for a long time. If I can get the proper support. I’ve talked to the League of Cities about it and the county administrator. If we can get the block grant money from the federal government so I can get a little staff working on this, study the operation as it now is and see how we can improve it, I think maybe we can reduce the congestion in the courts, reduce the delays in the administration of justice, do a better job, and accelerate the processing and disposition of cases.
The year after he became chief justice, Warren wrote for a unanimous court in banning segregation in the nation’s schools in the landmark ruling in Brown v. Board of Education. The “Warren Court” proceeded to issue a stream of decisions broadening civil rights.
As a result of the Warren Court’s bent, the leader of that court became a target of the right in the early to mid 1960s. Although Warren had been a vocal anti-Communist as governor, he was now denounced by Robert Welch, head of the John Birch Society, as a knowing member of the Communist conspiracy. “Impeach Earl Warren” bumper stickers were affixed to the rears of automobiles across the nation. At one massive and televised anti-Communist rally in Los Angeles, a speaker shouted that impeachment was too good for Warren — that he should be hanged.
In public statements, politicians opposed to the chief justice were brutal. Alabama Gov. George Wallace snorted that Warren “doesn’t have enough brains to try a chicken thief in my home county.” U.S. Sen. James O. Eastland, D-Miss., charged that the Warren Court’s majority has in some of its decisions “upheld the position advocated by the Communist Party.”
While the far-right was most vocal in assailing Warren, grumblings concerning the Warren’s Court’s “expansionist” utterances and “judicial legislation” were heard from those who were clearly outside the “lunatic fringe.” In his memoirs, former President Richard Nixon reflected that the Warren Court “had been unprecedentedly politically active.” He added: “Like many political moderate conservatives, I felt that some Supreme Court justices were too often using their own interpretations of the law to remake American society according to their own social, political and ideological precepts.”
This flyer, around 5,000 copies of which were distributed around Dallas in the days before President Kennedy’s November 22, 1963 visit, accused Kennedy of a range of offenses, from being “lax” on Communism, to “appointing anti-Christians to Federal office,” to lying to the American people about his personal life.
General Edwin A. Walker, a Texan who served in World War II and the Korean War, had resigned his Army post in 1961 after a Kennedy-ordered investigation found that he had violated the Hatch Act, which prohibits federal employees from engaging in political activity on the job, by distributing John Birch Society literature to his troops. Walker moved to Dallas and became a leader of right-wing activity in the city (more on the full range of that activity here). The ex-General led resistance to James Meredith’s 1962 enrollment at the University of Mississippi and unsuccessfully ran for the position of Texas governor.
After the assassination, Walker’s organization was briefly under suspicion, and the Warren Commission investigation tracked these flyers to Walker’s aide Robert Surrey. Surrey had overseen the distribution of the sheets in the days prior to JFK’s arrival; members of Walker’s organization, acting on his behalf, placed them under windshield wipers and in newspaper racks.
Walker’s group was exonerated of involvement with the assassination, but the Warren Commission did turn up a bizarre coincidence. On April 10, 1963, Walker was sitting at his desk in his home study when a bullet fired from outside the house narrowly missed his head. According to Marina Oswald’s testimony, which the Commission found convincing, Lee Harvey Oswald had carefully planned and executed this attempted murder, months before his November assassination of the President.
“Many of the Soviet engineers he worked with were longtime Bolsheviks who had helped bring on the revolution.” It deeply bothered Fred Koch that so many of those so committed to the Communist cause were later purged.
He was one of the founding members of the John Birch Society.
He claimed that the Democratic and Republican Parties were infiltrated by the Communist Party, and he supported Mussolini’s suppression of communists. He wrote that “The colored man looms large in the Communist plan to take over America,” and that public welfare was a secret plot to attract rural blacks and Puerto Ricans to Eastern cities to vote for Communist causes and “getting a vicious race war started.”
The organization identifies with Christian principles, seeks to limit governmental powers, and opposes wealth redistribution, and economic interventionism. It opposes collectivism, totalitarianism, and communism. It opposes socialism as well, which it asserts is infiltrating US governmental administration. In a 1983 edition of Crossfire, Congressman Larry McDonald (D-Georgia), then its newly appointed president, characterized the society as belonging to the Old Right rather than the New Right.
The society opposed aspects of the 1960s civil rights movement and claimed the movement had communists in important positions. In the latter half of 1965, the JBS produced a flyer entitled “What’s Wrong With Civil Rights?”, which was used as a newspaper advertisement. In the piece, one of the answers was: “For the civil rights movement in the United States, with all of its growing agitation and riots and bitterness, and insidious steps towards the appearance of a civil war, has not been infiltrated by the Communists, as you now frequently hear. It has been deliberately and almost wholly created by the Communists patiently building up to this present stage for more than forty years.” The society opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, claiming it violated the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution and overstepped individual states’ rights to enact laws regarding civil rights. The society opposes “one world government”, and it has an immigration reduction view on immigration reform. It opposes the United Nations, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and other free trade agreements. They argue the U.S. Constitution has been devalued in favor of political and economic globalization, and that this alleged trend is not accidental. It cited the existence of the former Security and Prosperity Partnership as evidence of a push towards a North American Union. Stuart A. Wright has said that their political racism, however, was not inconsistent with the views of either Republican or Democratic mainstream politicians at the time.
Chief Justice WARREN. I just wanted to tell you
before our own Commission, and I might say to you also
that we have explored the situation.
Mr. RUBY. I know, but I want to say this to you.
If certain people have the means and want to gain
something by propagandizing something to their own use,
they will make ways to present certain things that I do
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, I will make this
additional statement to you, that if any witness should
testify before the Commission that you were, to their
knowledge, a party to any conspiracy to assassinate the
President, I assure you that we will give you the
opportunity to deny it and to take any tests that you
may desire to so disprove it.
I don’t anticipate that there will be any such
testimony, but should there be, we will give you that
Does that seem fair?
Mr. RUBY. No; that isn’t going to save my family.
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, we can’t do everything
Mr. RUBY. I am in a tough spot, and I don’t know
what the solution can be to save me.
And I know our wonderful President, Lyndon Johnson, as
soon as he was the President of his country, he
appointed you as head of this group. But through
certain falsehoods that have been said about me to
other people, the John Birch Society, I am as good as
guilty as the accused assassin of President Kennedy.
How can you remedy that, Mr. Warren? Do any of you men
have any ways of remedying that?
Now it is the most fantastic story you have ever heard
in a lifetime. I did something out of the goodness of
my heart. Unfortunately, Chief Earl Warren, had you
been around 5 or 6 months ago, and I know your hands
were tied, you couldn’t do it, and immediately – the
President would have gotten ahold of my true story, or
whatever would have been said about me, a certain
organization wouldn’t have so completely formed now, so
powerfully, to use me because I am of the Jewish
extraction, Jewish faith, to commit the most dastardly
crime that has ever been committed.
Can you understand now in visualizing what happened,
what powers, what momentum has been carried on to
create this feeling of mass feeling against my people,
against certain people that were against them prior to
That goes over your head, doesn’t it?
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, I don’t quite get the
full significance of it, Mr. Ruby. I know what you feel
about the John Birch Society.
Mr. RUBY. Very powerful.
Chief Justice WARREN. I think it is powerful, yes
I do. Of course, I don’t have all the information that
you feel you have on that subject.
Mr. RUBY. Unfortunately, you don’t have, because
it is too late. And I wish that our beloved President,
Lyndon Johnson, would have delved deeper into the
situation, hear me, not to accept just circumstantial
facts about my guilt or innocence, and would have
questioned to find out the truth about me before he
relinquished certain powers to these certain people.
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, I am afraid I don’t
know what power you believe he relinquished to them. I
think that it is difficult to understand what you have
Mr. RUBY. I want to say this to you. The Jewish
people are being exterminated at this moment.
Consequently, a whole new form of government is going
to take over our country, and I know I won’t live to
see you another time.
Do I sound sort of screwy in telling you these things?
Chief Justice WARREN. No; I think that is what you
believe, or you wouldn’t tell it under your oath.
Mr. RUBY. But it is a very serious situation. I
guess it is too late to stop it, isn’t it?
All right, I want to ask you this. All you men have
been chosen by the President for this committee, is
Chief Justice WARREN. Representative Ford and I
are the only members of the Commission that are here.
Mr. Rankin of the Commission is employed as our chief
Mr. Rankin employed Mr. Specter and Mr. Ball as members
of the staff.
You know who the other gentlemen here are.
You know that Mr. Moore is a member of the Secret
Service, and he has been a liaison officer with our
staff since the Commission was formed.
Representative FORD. Are there any questions that
ought to be asked to help clarify the situation that
Mr. RUBY. There is only one thing. If you don’t
take me back to Washington tonight to give me a chance
to prove to the President that I am not guilty, then
you will see the most tragic thing that will ever
Mr. RUBY. I am sorry, Chief Justice Warren, I
thought I would be very effective in telling you what I
have said here. But in all fairness to everyone, maybe
all I want to do is beg that if they found out I was
telling the truth, maybe they can succeed in what their
motives are, but maybe my people won’t be tortured and
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, you may be sure that
the President and his whole Commission will do anything
that is necessary to see that your people are not
Mr. RUBY. No.
Chief Justice WARREN. You may be sure of that.
Mr. RUBY. No; the only way you can do it is if he
knows the truth, that I am telling the truth, and why I
was down in that basement Sunday morning, and maybe
some sense of decency will come out and they can still
fulfill their plan, as I stated before, without my
people going through torture and mutilation.
Mr. RUBY. You have lost me though. You have lost
me, Chief Justice Warren.
Chief Justice WARREN. Lost you in what sense?
Mr. RUBY. I won’t be around for you to come and
question me again.
Chief Justice WARREN. Well, it is very hard for me
to believe that. I am sure that everybody would want to
protect you to the very limit.
Mr. RUBY. All I want is a lie detector test, and
you refuse to give it to me.
Because as it stands now–and the truth serum, and any
other–Pentothal–how do you pronounce it, whatever it
is. And they will not give it to me, because I want to
tell the truth.
And then I want to leave this world. But I don’t want
my people to be blamed for something that is untrue,
that they claim has happened.
Chief Justice WARREN. Mr. Ruby, I promise you that
you will be able to take such a test.
There were other points brought out, as well. For example, the testimony revealed that Gen. Walker is a member of the John Birch Society, an organization whose leader says former President Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles and other high officials of our government have been Communist dupes. Also, it was revealed that Gen. Walker made public statements which were derogatory of other present and former officials of our government. Such statements, of course, are wholly out of keeping for a military officer.
Three days before he left office last January former President Eisenhower said in a nation-wide television address, “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.” I believe Mr. Eisenhower’s warning is pertinent to this situation. In the course of our history we have always maintained civilian control of our government by elected officials responsible to the electorate. I firmly believe that this must continue.