I am known to be a supporter of lost causes. I have lost my family due to this, because they like to play it safe because they fear their own mental illness and bad choices. In their world view, I can not be a spiritual human being, least one with a great vision, because it forces them to accept truths about themselves. Dismissing me, ignoring me, and having nothing to do with me is the only way they can handle me.
For two months I have poured my being into the saving Kobane. If this had any affect, who can say. Kobane was a lost cause. All world leaders gave up on the fighters defending Kobane from one of the darkest forces humanity has ever known. ISIS looked unstoppable. Today they do not look that way anymore. Indeed, they have stopped attacking Kobane. The world was prepared to see hundreds of heads of the PKK fighters put on display. But, these crazy communist women did not see this happening. They bucked the whole system – and won!
Meanwhile, back in America….the South has risen again! Thanks to the propaganda of the neo-Confederates, the abolitionist movement took a huge blow. Real Science will be replaced with the End Time Jesus who will shame the genitalia of teenagers and get them back in those huge coliseums for more White People’s rallies so they grow up to be God-fearing Commy Haters for Jesus. Voter suppression will spread all over Gawd’s Country.
The Koch brothers used their wealth to convince many American voters our President was a Muslim Traitor backing ISIS. But ISIS is being driven by their own version of Billy Graham who saw himself a Puritan Patriot. The American Whahhabi are on the rise. Even though the Republicans had many victories yesterday, there can never be enough enemies for the self-righteous ones, never enough sinners who best convert – or else!
Jon Presco
Wahhabism (Arabic: وهابية, Wahhābiyyah) or Wahhabi mission[1] (Arabic: ألدعوة ألوهابية, al-Da’wa al-Wahhābiyyah ) is a religious movement or sect or form[2] of Sunni Islam[3][4][5] variously described as “orthodox”, “ultraconservative”,[6] “austere”,[2] “fundamentalist”,[7] “puritanical”[8] (or “puritan”),[9] describes an Islamic “reform movement” to restore “pure monotheistic worship”,[10] or an “extremist pseudo-Sunni movement”.[11] Adherents often object to the term Wahhabi or Wahhabism as derogatory, and prefer to be called Salafi or muwahhid.
https://rosamondpress.com/2012/11/18/my-long-battle-with-billy-graham-son/
Islamic State (IS) militants have stopped attacks on the besieged city of Kobani in Syrian Kurdistan.
“We will resist to our last drop of blood together… if necessary we will repeat the Stalingrad resistance in Kobane.” The words of Polat Can, a Syrian Kurdish commander, to describe the fight against Islamic State (IS) jihadists for the town on the Syrian-Turkish border may exaggerate the scale of the fighting, but makes plain the emotional and strategic symbolism now attached to Kobane.
On October 29th about 150 Iraqi Kurdish fighters, the Peshmerga, dispatched by cheering crowds in Irbil, set off through Turkey to reinforce their brother Kurds. The deployment was sanctioned by the Turkish authorities, after much haggling.
For the other parties to the battle–America and IS–the confrontation, now in its seventh week, has also acquired increasing importance. For IS, the expectation was of an easy victory that would have given it control over a large section of the border and the main road between its stronghold in Raqqa and Aleppo. But it has now become a test of the group’s military prowess.
Winning Kobane would not just deal a crushing blow to Kurdish resistance in northern Syria, but would also send out a message of invincibility in the face of American air power.
Azad Lashkari/ReutersA convoy of Kurdish peshmerga fighters drive through Arbil after leaving a base in northern Iraq, on their way to the Syrian town of Kobani, October 28, 2014.
America, too, is increasingly committed to saving Kobane. A few weeks ago American officials were keen to downplay the importance of the city, seeing it as a distraction from the wider campaign against IS.
Pentagon briefings were resolutely downbeat, suggesting that, despite air strikes, the town might fall to IS at any time.
By October 13th IS controlled more than half the town.
But in the days that followed the aerial bombardment on IS positions in and around the town both intensified and increased in their accuracy, thanks to direct co-operation with Kurdish fighters on the ground. By the 19th there were air-drops of weapons, ammunitions and medical supplies by C-130 transports. Some ground lost to IS was recovered.
What changed? Partly it was a perception that defeat in Kobane in front of television reporters massed on the Turkish side of the border would only stoke criticism of America’s handling of the campaign. Partly it was a recognition that the fighting qualities of Syrian Kurds could prove invaluable in the long war. And partly it was a realisation that Kobane could be turned into a meatgrinder for jihadists.
IS has been happy to accept the challenge. As well as pouring more men and equipment into the fight, on October 27th it distributed a bizarre five-minute video in which a British hostage, John Cantlie, appeared to dispatch a “news report” from Kobane. Its purpose was to refute the idea that the battle was swinging against IS. Dresssed in black, Mr Cantlie tells the camera that America and its allies “even with all their air power and all their proxy troops on the ground” cannot defeat IS.
It is still not possible say who will prevail in Kobane. Kurdish defenders appear to be outnumbered but in street-to-street fighting the heavy weapons and vehicles that usually give IS its edge are of limited use. IS is up against a foe with nowhere to retreat, an improving supply of arms and continued air support. Kobane may not be Stalingrad, but if it holds out, the psychological damage to IS will be real.



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